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Die Auslandsredakteurin des "Focus" bietet einen "kurzen Streifzug durch Geschichte und Gegenwart des Landes": ethnische Zusammensetzung und religiöse Strömungen, Literatur und Film sowie gesellschaftliche Aspekte wie Frauen oder Jugend. (Elisabeth Mair-Gummermann)

Abstract
Mercosur celebrated its 30th anniversary in 2021 in a situation of severe stress, in which the idea of rolling it back from a customs union towards a free trade area was discussed in polarized terms, raising the question about its legitimacy. This article analyses the legitimation strategies pursued by Mercosur member states' presidents and regional bureaucrats to build, maintain, defend and enhance the belief among relevant audiences that the regional organization is legitimate. It focuses on three critical moments in which Mercosur was the object of public debate, namely, the Brazilian currency devaluation in 1999, the accession of Venezuela in 2012, and the current proposal of 'flexibilization', and, drawing on secondary literature and qualitative content analysis, argues that the origins of Mercosur agents' discursive legitimation strategies are their political ideologies. Given the strong role of presidents and lack of stronger regional institutions and leadership, Mercosur is left hostage to domestic electoral cycles and vulnerableto undemocratic trends of governments in power.

This paper explores the role of women in leadership in Latin American Regionalism and, more specifically, the incorporation of gender commitments at the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (celac), focusing on the case of the overlapping mandates, during the period 2011-2014, of three women in the Presidencies of Chile, Argentina and Brazil: Michelle Bachelet, Cristina Kirchner, and Dilma Rousseff, respectively. The paper draws on feminist approaches and the literature of women and leadership, and incorporates peculiarities pointed out in the literature of Latin American regionalism, such as weak institutions, presidential diplomacy, and active transnational advocacy networks. The main argument advanced is that the effect of women in leadership cannot be taken for granted as gender was not a priority during the governments of these presidents. The more diffuse commitment to human rights, which they all shared, as well as their symbolic empowerment effect might have strengthened the gender cause advanced by civil society and transnational advocacy networks.

This paper explores the role of women in leadership in Latin American Regionalism and, more specifically, the incorporation of gender commitments at the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (celac), focusing on the case of the overlapping mandates, during the period 2011-2014, of three women in the Presidencies of Chile, Argentina and Brazil: Michelle Bachelet, Cristina Kirchner, and Dilma Rousseff, respectively. The paper draws on feminist approaches and the literature of women and leadership, and incorporates peculiarities pointed out in the literature of Latin American regionalism, such as weak institutions, presidential diplomacy, and active transnational advocacy networks. The main argument advanced is that the effect of women in leadership cannot be taken for granted as gender was not a priority during the governments of these presidents. The more diffuse commitment to human rights, which they all shared, as well as their symbolic empowerment effect might have strengthened the gender cause advanced by civil society and transnational advocacy networks.

O principal objetivo deste artigo é explorar se, e sob que condições, as organizações regionais podem contribuir para a promoção e proteção da democracia de seus estados-membros. Os principais fatores destacados são as identidades das organizações regionais, interesses dos países exercendo liderança, a pressão de atores externos, e os efeitos do fenômeno de sobreposição de regionalismos (overlapping regionalism), ou seja, os efeitos dos compromissos derivados da participação em diversas organizações simultaneamente, que podem ter mandatos semelhantes, complementares ou contraditórios. Em termos da análise empírica, este artigo analisa os compromissos com a democracia na América do Sul com foco na OEA, no Mercosul, e na Unasul. O caso da crise democrática no Paraguai de 2012 é usado para ilustrar as possibilidades e limites do papel das organizações regionais.Palavras-chave: Organizações regionais. Cláusula democrática. OEA. Unasul. Mercosul. Paraguai. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

O principal objetivo deste artigo é explorar se, e sob que condições, as organizações regionais podem contribuir para a promoção e proteção da democracia de seus estados-membros. Os principais fatores destacados são as identidades das organizações regionais, interesses dos países exercendo liderança, a pressão de atores externos, e os efeitos do fenômeno de sobreposição de regionalismos (overlapping regionalism), ou seja, os efeitos dos compromissos derivados da participação em diversas organizações simultaneamente, que podem ter mandatos semelhantes, complementares ou contraditórios. Em termos da análise empírica, este artigo analisa os compromissos com a democracia na América do Sul com foco na OEA, no Mercosul, e na Unasul. O caso da crise democrática no Paraguai de 2012 é usado para ilustrar as possibilidades e limites do papel das organizações regionais.

Desde una perspectiva brasilera, históricamente Europa a estado asociada tanto con imágenes negativas –"colonizador", "opresor", el "Norte", "fortaleza cerrada al comercio y la inmigración"- como con papeles positivos –"civilización", "desarrollo", "modelo a seguir", "utopía"-. El presente artículo identifica esta pluralidad de roles y desarrolla tres reflexiones: 1) la percepción de Brasil sobre el papel internacional de la UE se define mejor como la coexistencia de dos tipos de roles: un gran poder en el sistema internacional y un modelo, una utopía para alcanzar; 2) el proceso de integración regional europeo y el desarrollo del concepto sobre la identidad europea han creado una oportunidad para terceros países de cambiar su percepción sobre Europa; 3) los acontecimientos recientes pueden llevar de nuevo hacia una percepción negativa. ; From a Brazilian perspective, Europe has historically been associated both with the negative roles of 'colonizer', 'oppressor', the 'north', a 'fortress' closed to trade and immigration, and, at the same time, with the positive roles of 'civilization', 'development', a 'model' to be followed, a 'utopia' to be achieved. The present article identifies this plurality of roles and advances three main arguments: that the Brazilian perception on the EU's international role can be better defined as a coexistence of two role types: a greater power in the international system, and a model, a utopia to be achieved; that the process of regional integration in Europe and the development of the concept of a specific European identity has created an opportunity for 3rd countries to change their perception; and that recent developments might shift the prevailing Brazilian perception back to the previous one. ; 9-18 ; a.ribeiro-hoffmann@lse.ac.uk ; semestral